- Although in some cases politicians build campaigns on promises around environmental conservation and land rights, once in office, leaders shift direction towards favoring extractive industries and watering down nature protection.
- In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro dismantled the regulatory apparatus created to conserve biodiversity and recognize the rights of Indigenous peoples.
- In Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, administrations have promoted expanding the agricultural frontier and drilling in the Amazon, prioritizing economic growth over sustainability concerns and Indigenous rights.
The election of populist politicians seldom bodes well for the people of the Amazon or the conservation of its biodiversity and ecosystem services. Most are just stylistic versions of the generic politician: individuals motivated by self-interest who portray themselves as champions of the common man or woman. Occasionally, however, a charismatic individual appears who succeeds beyond the normal confines of the political arena to completely dominate electoral politics. Almost invariably, this person will have authoritarian tendencies and work to weaken institutional integrity, pervert electoral systems and persecute the opposition using a corrupt judicial system. They can arise from either the left or right, but they share a disdain for democratic principles and the rule of law.
Populist demagogues are adept at appealing to the emotions of the so-called common man or woman; they employ simple language and use slogans that resonate with the public’s frustrations with the slow (or nonexistent) pace of economic and social reform. They use polarising rhetoric to exploit societal divisions projected as ‘us versus them’, which may be racial, geographic, class or a combination of all three. Exploiting anger at the status quo is common to their political playbook, an easy tactic because of the self-dealing of elites who have enriched themselves while underinvesting in the working poor. Invariably, they promise simplistic solutions to complex issues, ignoring both science and economic theory.
The assault on elites is usually extended to foreign organizations, particularly those associated with multilateral organisations controlled by the advanced economies. This sets the stage for another plank of their political agenda: overt nationalism, claiming that past governments (and elites) have sold out their country to international interests.
On the left, the most successful populist demagogues are Hugo Chávez and his successor, Nicolás Maduro. Their regime has bankrupted the country with heterodox neo-socialist policies. In the Amazon, they have fostered a gold mining sector that ignores environmental practices, and have also turned a deaf ear to the demands of Indigenous nations for autonomy and territorial rights.

A commitment to promote environmental conservation and social justice was prominent in the first presidential campaign of Rafael Correa (Ecuador, 2007–2017). In his first year in office, he proposed ending oil exploitation in Yasuní National Park in exchange for compensation. When that was not forthcoming, an outcome he undoubtedly foresaw, he forged ahead with plans to expand drilling in the protected area after shifting the blame to advanced economies.
Evo Morales (Bolivia, 2005–2019) came to power on a tide of support from Indigenous people and a backlash against neoliberal policies that had failed to resolve the country’s entrenched poverty. Once in power, he became an advocate for extractive industries and the expansion of the agricultural frontier. His administration soon betrayed its commitment to support territorial claims of lowland Indigenous groups, in part because of the electoral power of highly organized smallholder farmers (Interculturales) who demand access to public lands.
On the right, the most successful populist figure was Alberto Fujimori (Peru, 1990–2000), who dominated Peruvian politics after defeating Marxist and Maoist guerrillas who had terrorised his country for more than a decade. His law-and-order rhetoric accompanied programmes that favoured the urban poor, while advancing neoliberal policies that included opening the Amazon to oil and gas production, building highways and distributing public lands to settlers. But his rhetoric and his orthodox economic policies were undermined by unprecedented levels of corruption and human rights abuses that led to his ousting and eventual incarceration.
The most recent right-wing populist to gain power is Jair Bolsonaro (Brazil, 2017–2022), who exploited a wave of discontent with the policies of previous administrations that had lost legitimacy because of the Lava Jato corruption scandal.

Bolsonaro campaigned and governed by appealing to the Boi, Bíblia e Balas coalition, which included explicit promises to expand the agricultural frontier into the Amazon, while dismantling the regulatory apparatus created to conserve biodiversity and recognize the rights of Indigenous peoples. He openly undermined democratic institutions, but was only narrowly defeated in his bid for a second term in 2022.
The use of populist rhetoric is not limited to presidents, however, and populist movements can destabilize democratic governments, particularly those with slim electoral margins or weak coalitions, as evidenced by recent political unrest in Bolivia, Peru and Ecuador. Local and regional politicians are particularly attuned to issues that motivate their constituents, many of whom have strong vested interests in non-sustainable economic activity.
Banner image: Archive photo from 2019, from left to right: Ernesto Fraga Araújo, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Brazil; Evo Morales, former President of Bolivia; Martín Vizcarra, former President of Peru; Iván Duque, former President of Colombia; Lenin Moreno, former President of Ecuador; Michael A. Adhin, former Vice President of Suriname; and Raphael Trotman, former Minister of Natural Resources of Guyana. Photo: Courtesy of Nicolás Galeano – Presidency.